In the wake of the Sept. 2006 bloodless military coup in Thailand, large street protests have been organized in the name of democracy. The following article gives one viewpoint from one group the PAD. Whether demonstrations be pro Thaksin or anti Thaksin, it is important for the people's voice to be heard, on the streets if necessary, in the absense of a direct democratic forum for expressing the will of the people. - Editor
Strengthening people's power
Source: http://www.bangkokpost.com/News/11Jun2008_news31.php
Demonstrators generally come from only a few groups with similar interests, writes Piyaporn Wongruang
While the asphalt surface of Ratchadamnoen avenue can turn hot under the burning afternoon sun, the same road, if it rains, can also bring the temperature down so quickly it can leave one shivering. For over 15 days, supporters of the anti-government People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD) have experienced such tormenting weather conditions.
If they find the conditions too harsh and unbearable, they just disperse temporarily. When things improve, they regroup to continue their struggle to unseat what they claim is an immoral government.
The PAD, which took to the streets on May 25, is demanding the resignation of Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej and his government as they view that those who are part of the current government are just nominees of former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra.
The protesters have accused them of being absolutely corrupt, causing divisions in society, and interfering in the work of agencies investigating the alleged wrongdoing by Mr Thaksin and his cabinet members.
Just like any other demonstration in the past, the biggest challenge facing the PAD is to make its supporters stick together and remain united. Since unity is strength, failure to do so would certainly bring cracks into the movement and cause a serious setback for the protesters.
This is much easier said than done. Since people don't think alike most of the time, even if they happen to be on the same side during a street protest, collective behaviour is what determines which way a public gathering is heading.
There have hardly been any specific studies on this in the country, say mental health and public health experts.
''We have so far only loosely observed the mental condition of those participating in demonstrations, but we have not conducted any scientific study of crowd or mob psychology yet. Since demonstrations these days have become more intense, we think the time has arrived for such a study,'' said M.L. Somchai Chakrabhand, chief of the Mental Health Department.
A study made in 1997 by Col Pongskorn Rodchompoo while he was pursuing his doctorate degree suggested some of the motivations behind demonstrations by people here.
His report on ''Political Participation of Thais and Factors Affecting a Prolonged Demonstration'', covering demonstrations after the 1992 military coup for a period of five years, concluded that demonstrators generally came from only a few groups with similar interests.
They tended to have their immediate priorities achieved rather than any ideological goals, according to the research.
Although this can help organisers of a demonstration to control the crowd more easily, it was found that the bond among demonstrators themselves was quite weak, making them vulnerable to any enticing government offers, it added.
This also left little room for analysing the concerned structural problems and finding long-term solutions to the demonstrators' woes. And that was the reason why direct democracy was developing at a very slow pace, the research noted.
While participating in a rally, demonstrators put their trust in the leaders and the organisers, particularly about their safety.
This, he wrote, reflected how passive Thai people were in general in demanding that they be allowed to look after their own affairs under democratic rule, and thus were often taken advantage of, the research concluded.
In order to strengthen people's power and fill a gap in representative democratic politics, Col Pongskorn suggested demonstrations be lifted to a new level, with closer connections between city dwellers and rural people through wider issues such as decentralisation of power, and development of shared ideological goals rather than immediate benefits of particular groups.
Suriyasai Katasila, coordinator of the PAD, seems to realise these constraints and opportunities well.
Although the psychological state of the PAD crowd has not yet been much understood, the organisers have tried to eliminate any conditions that may promote violence or cause the protest to crumble.
Despite the physical hardships, the group, which has at least 20 organisations lending it support, has agreed to stick to the principle of non-violence in its demonstration, now in its second week.
Mr Suriyasai believes that with such a clear principle, provocation from any ill-intentioned people would not succeed in unsettling the protesters.
During the ongoing rallies, the PAD's key leaders have often reminded the demonstrators of their stand on non-violence, meaning the protesters should not respond to any external violence, and even lie low if they were attacked.
To ensure the demonstrators' safety, the PAD leaders have also come up with their own security guards.
The organisers have also taken their fight to a new level with a new political goal of ''rebuilding the country'' after getting rid of what they call ''the Thaksin regime''.
''People can see that we have resorted to a peaceful demonstration and tried to be as patient as possible,'' said Mr Suriyasai.
''Our society has reached a turning point as we believe that the present democracy is at its lowest point, under which power is directed by interests of those winning an election, not true public interests. We just can no longer sit back and repeatedly convince ourselves to believe that democracy comes from an election,'' he added.
Kamonchanok, a 43-year-old Bangkok resident from the Sathon area who joined the demonstration on the very first day, said she and her friends sometimes feel very angry when inaccurate information is passed on to the demonstrators. ''For instance, the government seems not to care about the plight of the people, but only its allies.''.
However, they were rational enough to think and decide for themselves what was appropriate and what was not.
''Most of the demonstrators here have now realised what is going on in our country, and that to resort to violence is not the answer,'' said Ms Kamonchanok, who recently closed down her family's grocery shop after a modern convenience store opened nearby.
''It is time to protect each other from bad influence. And we now have the space here that is truly opened to us to do so,'' said another protester, who refused to disclose her last name.
Uthan, a 22-year-old master's degree student from King Mongkut's University of Technology Thonburi, who joined the demonstration after learning about it from the internet, said the demonstration was lively and sometimes provocative.
This should be seen as more of a challenge than anything else.
All you need is a little understanding of the present political situation among the public at large, said the student.
''I was sometimes offended by my friends who asked me why was I here and for what,'' said Uthan, a new face at the demonstration.
''I think it is our right to come here since our democracy cannot fulfill our needs anymore.
''Unfortunately, many people just don't give themselves a chance to use their rights and learn the other side of the story.'
Monday, July 21, 2008
THAILAND: Strengthening People's Power on the Streets
Monday, June 9, 2008
EL SALVADOR: Women Defend Their Own Rights
In a country plagued by violence and oppression, women bear the brunt of machismo, economic frustration, joblessness and gang conflict. There is no way we can ask them to feel safe in a "democracy" built and maintained by men who violate women, even their own family members as cases revealed by Oxfam pointed out. Women and girls are creating their own safety network to educate and advocate for their rights. This can be seen as a first step toward their participation within society and politics. Within the current structure, they would be unsafe and oppressed. But by working within a social context that hopes to change individuals and communities through non-violence and education, women are creating a new structure that will create safe and open environments for their participation. The following article describes their successes thus far. - Editor
A New Campaign Led by Women
21 May 2008
A call for more resources and better laws, along with education for women and all young people, will reduce violence.
In 2005, Oxfam America joined with four other development and women’s rights organizations to address the vulnerability of women in El Salvador by challenging the government to provide better protection; training and mobilizing women and men to change the machista culture in the country; and raising public consciousness through the media, street theatre, and other public events. What emerged is a campaign under the slogan “Entre Vos y Yo, Una Vida Diferente” (“Between you and Me, A Different Life”) that is calling for new laws to protect women, as well as the financial commitment to back up the laws at both the local and national levels. Along with better laws and policies, members of the coalition are training public officials such as police officers, judges, doctors, and social workers to be more sensitive to gender violence in their work, recognize the signs of abuse, and take steps to stop crimes against women. Six communities have made public commitments to the campaign and have stepped up their efforts to help women affected by violence.
The Next Generation
One of the goals of the campaign is to increase the number of women who understand their rights and can effectively defend them as Adelina Ortiz did. To help educate the next generation, the campaign developed a program for teachers and schoolchildren in 2007 that teaches young people about how to prevent gender violence and what to do if they are attacked.
“We used to talk about gender equity here,” says Patricia Jovel. “But never gender violence.” Jovel is the director of a school participating in this new initiative in El Progreso, a village perched on the impossibly steep Quetzaltepeque volcano outside San Salvador. The school, where 850 students from 6 to 16 years old attend classes in two half-day groups, is a collection of six cinderblock classrooms topped by metal sheet roofing on either side of a terraced concrete courtyard sloping down the mountainside. It is a beehive of activity after classes, as without any level area for a playground, the students play tag around the central courtyard in the brisk mountain air. Jovel says the young women who sometimes have to walk home in the dark after school are now better equipped to fend off the young men offering drinks and cigarettes to them. “Thank God there have been no rapes,” she says.
The students have learned their lessons well: Karla Sanchez, 15, says it is a matter of her basic rights. “Everyone must respect our rights as children, girls, youth… We all have the same rights, and no one can violate them. And if something should happen, we know we can tell our parents, our teachers, or adults we trust. They are here to help us,” she explains patiently. And if these people can’t help, she knows where to go. She lists a number of institutions where she can turn for protection: the Human Rights Office; the National Police; and the Salvadoran Institute for the Advancement of Women, known as ISDEMU. As she leaves, Sanchez articulates one essential idea about reporting gender violence: “We should not be afraid of what people say.”
In 2007, this pilot project in 53 schools exposed 25,000 students to the key messages of the campaign and trained 1,000 students and 1,000 teachers. The teachers now have incorporated violence prevention into their curriculum, and they work with the trained students. The pilot was supported by the Ministry of Education and was such a success that the minister decided to incorporate it into the public school curriculum nationwide.
Changes in Attitude
Sustained pressure to change societal attitudes toward women is a slow process. One effective way to question long-held ideas and beliefs is to educate those entrusted with defending the rights of women, protecting them in the community, and helping them if they are attacked or injured. These include public officials like police officers, judges, public health officials and doctors, and social workers. The campaign organized a formal training program at the University of Central America (UCA) in 2005, and 45 people attended.
Maritza de Vasquez, a psychologist at the family court in the city of San Marcos, just outside San Salvador, says this training has helped her assist the many women who come through her office. De Vasquez says that women are hearing the messages of the campaign and are taking action to protect themselves. In the steady stream of domestic violence and divorce cases she sees, there is a different attitude. “Women take the opportunity to come here and talk about their situation they come here right away to denounce it,” she says. “They are expressing their rights more openly now.”
Back in Ahuachapan, Ortiz grows corn and raises sheep to support her children and grandchildren. He husband is in jail awaiting a hearing. “I’d rather see him in prison than anywhere else,” Ortiz says. It was her participation in a sheep-raising program run by one of Oxfam America’s partners, Association of Salvadoran Agriculturalists (AGROSAL), that exposed Ortiz to the human rights training that helped her defend her own life and protect her children. She points out that in all her training to become a health worker, no one ever educated her about domestic violence or how to prevent it. “The training taught me that women have rights and people are obligated to respect them,” Ortiz says. “This made me act, to look for help, and thank God I found it.”
More on El Salvador's grassroots movements see:
Monday, May 12, 2008
Widespread Participation in May Day Marches
The impressive compilation of documentation at the Immigrant Solidarity Network source link shown below describes various actions around the country that all took place for worker solidarity on international workers day. While it is inspiring to see so many people taking to the streets in mass demonstrations in order to have their voices heard, this phenomenon also illustrates the inadequacies inherent in our representative democracy. In a direct democracy by contrast, the people's voice is heard and holds real power within the structure of government itself in an organized and legally recognized forum, and the people are not forced to shout their views in the streets in an attempt to be recognized. Until such a direct democratic forum becomes a reality, it is important that all voices be heard by whatever means necessary, and we the editors of La Esquina Caliente salute all those who came out this May 1st, and continue the struggle every day of the year... year after year. Here you will find the messages of the immigrant community, the Iraqi labor movement, and different activists whose voices roared out on May Day. -Editor
Source: http://www.immigrantsolidarity.org/Documents/MayDay08Reports.pdf
May Day 2008 Call to Action!
National Immigrant Solidarity Network
http://www.ImmigrantSolidarity.org
On May Day 2008, National Immigrant Solidarity Network is calling for a multi-ethnic, decentralized, multi-topic and multi-tactic national day of mobilization to support immigrant workers rights.
1. No to anti-immigrant legislation, and the criminalization of the immigrant communities.
2. No to militarization of the border.
3. No to the immigrant detention and deportation.
4. No to the guest worker program.
5. No to employer sanction and "no match" letters.
6. Yes to a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants. 7. Yes to speedy family reunification.
8. Yes to civil rights and humane immigration law.
9. Yes to labor rights and living wages for all workers.
10. Yes to the education and LGBT immigrant legislation.
We acknowledges that there’ll be multiple call to actions from across the country to organize May Day 2008, and each coalition will present their sets of demands. We should respects each other organizing and encourage and supports everyone’s issues:
1) Multi-ethnic, Decentralized and Multi-topic mobilization: while everyone will pledge to support immigrant workers rights at May Day 2007, local groups can choose to includes any other topics for their mobilizations: civil rights, anti-war, Katrina, labor rights, health care…., etc.
2) Decentralized Multi-Tactic May Day organizing: We will encourage everyone to organize their actions at May Day, but will let local groups to decide what they want to do at the day: march, boycott, strike, lunch action, vigil, community event, conference or congressional lobby day, etc.Understanding the connections between our individual conditions of life and the lives of people everywhere in the word allows us to come together and organize across all borders. WE NEED to link the connections between: wars in Africa, south America, Asia, Iraq, Palestine & Korea with sweatshops in Asia as well as in Los Angeles, New York; international arm sales and WTO, FTAA, NAFTA & CAFTA with AIDS, hunger, child labors and child solider; multinational corporations and economic exploitation with racism and poverty at home–then we can win the struggle. Let’s all come together, on May Day 2008, to build a new immigrant rights and civil rights movements!
CLICK HERE to read a May Day statement from the Iraqi Labor Movement
Monday, April 7, 2008
Thailand: The Assembly of the Poor (AOP) and Grassroots Democracy
The Assembly of the Poor, or AOP in Thailand is a fine example of a grassroots movement empowering people from the bottom up in the face of resistance from the power structures above. This movement grew out of the Thai people's frustration at being voiceless in the face of crackdowns by the military junta and dam construction projects that threatened their communities. The movement today has grown into a wide coalition of NGO's, community organizations, and the general public, including the poor, farmers, and indigenous groups. Through direct action and grassroots organizing, the AOP provides a voice to the voiceless, and a means to participate in government and decision making processes that affect their communities. -Editor
Assembly of the Poor (AOP) - Thailand
Source: Assembly of the Poor AOP - Thailand
Written on July 27th, 2006 in Civil Society by heidi
Linked with our presentations of Dawan Chantarahassadee - Thailand, and of the Klong Dan Local Conservation Group - Thailand.
The Assembly of the Poor AOP is a grassroots people’s movement consisting of seven social networks including the rural poor, farmers, urban poor, workers, indigenous peoples and NGOs. It is widely supported by community organizations, non-governmental organizations, academics and the general public. It collaborates on regional and international levels with networks on issues such as globalization, human rights, women, indigenous peoples, the environment and the protection of biodiversity.
The Women’s Group of the Assembly of the Poor present in every component of the movement, not only performing supportive roles in logistics arrangements, but also taking an active part in coordination and decision making. (See this page of 1000peacewomen).
Some of their actions:
A series of very constructive meetings took place between Lek (Thai Labour Campaign, PGA Asia support group), Pablo (PGA Asia support group) and members of the Assembly of the Poor. All of the meetings discussed below were organized by Lek, through her long-term association with Assembly of the Poor and the Thai Labour movement. (Read the whole article of Dec. 2004 on lists brunny.com, and also on ainfos.ca);
About the Pak Mun Dam struggle: see all these long article on nadir.org, and on irn.org one and irn.org two;
About Thailands grassroot leadership training see sulak-sivaraksa.org one and two;Thailand: Restoring a River and Traditional Ways of Life (Okt. 2004);
UN commends Assembly of Poor struggle;
Land Research Action Network.
Link: Assembly of the Poor AOP - Thailand
Sunday, March 2, 2008
Venezuela: Frente Popular Revolucionario del Sur
Esta convocatoria es de una nueva agrupación de organizacines sociales que se formó en Enero de este año en ciertos parroquias del sur del capital de Venezuela, Caracas. Representa un nuevo esfuerzo que busca unir todas las organizaciones 'grass roots' del pais para “conquistar en esas calles lo que no logramos en el referéndum,” o sea, lograr por acción directa y participativa en solidaridad con el presidente Chávez lo que el referendum del 2 de Diciembre no pudo lograr. La meta de este proyecto es mejorar la coordinación entre los grupos sociales para avancar el proceso bolivariano, continuar el fortalecimiento del poder popular, acelerar la formación de las estructuras de la democracia participativa, y eliminar los elementos coruptos y burocráticos dentro del movimiento que estan poniendo en peligro el proceso. - Editor
Frente Popular Revolucionario del Sur Solicita Apoyo para Realización de Asamblea Popular este Fin de Semana en CaracasFecha de publicación: 16/01/08
El Frente Popular Revolucionario del Sur, agrupa a diversas organizaciones sociales de base en Caracas.
Caracas, 16 de enero de 2008 (Aporrea.org).- El Frente Popular Revolucionario del Sur, integrado por organizaciones y activistas de los sectores El Valle, Baruta, 23 de Enero, Coche, La Vega y San Agustín de la capital del país, está convocando a todos los militantes y organizaciones sociales y políticas de Caracas comprometidas con la revolución Bolivariana a una gran Asamblea Popular este sábado 19 y domingo 20 de enero a partir de las 9:00AM en la Universidad Simón Rodríguez de El Valle.
La asamblea busca la articulación de las organizaciones populares de la capital, hasta ahora fragmentadas, para la construcción inmediata de un plan de lucha y un programa revolucionario de acción permanente que sean realmente participativo.
Igualmente, esta asamblea a nivel de la capital, busca ser un primer paso hacia una gran asamblea nacional de movimientos populares.
El Frente, a través de una nota enviada a esta redacción, hace un especial llamado a los militantes del PSUV "que sabemos están dando la batalla por acabar con las roscas internas del partido y avanzar en su depuración de burócratas, corruptos y capitalistas infiltrados, que son los principales responsables de la derrota del 2D. Queremos combatir hombro a hombro contigo en esa batalla y que nos acompañes en la lucha y articulación de los movimientos sociales."
El Frente ha hecho un conjunto de propuestas con el fin de abrir el debate. "No pretendemos imponerlas, lo que queremos es que los demás traigan las suyas para construir todo este espacio de articulación y lucha permanente."
Fortalecer la formación política e ideológica de las bases populares.
Fortalecer y hacer aportes bien estructurados a las políticas del camarada Presidente.
La creación de las Comunas, para garantizar nuestras luchas territoriales.
La creación del Parlamento Nacional de Legislación popular para promover nuestras leyes.
La creación de un Consejo Popular de Gobierno para articúlanos con el camarada Presidente.
La creación de tribunales Populares para procesar denuncias de corrupción entre otras.
La creación de milicias Populares como forma de autodefensa territorial.
Continuar en la lucha interna por la construcción del PSUV.
El Frente pide que los que piensan participar envíen sus propuestas a los correos electrónicos: frente.socialistas.sur@gmail.com y apr.caracas@gmail.com, para ir sistematizando toda la información.
Igualmente, el Frente puede ser contactado a los teléfonos 0416-705-3149 , 0414-847-7915, 0412-601-7771 o 0416-012-0824.
En vista de que los organizadores no cuentan con la logística necesaria para que nuestra asamblea sea un éxito total, solicitan ayuda para en la obtención de:
4 Toldos grandes
500 Sillas plásticas.
50 Mesas con mánteles
1000 botellas de agua potable o botellones con vasos
10 Kilos de café.
100 Colchonetas.
Para más detalles sobre la asamblea consulte http://www.aporrea.org/poderpopular/n107651.html
Wednesday, February 27, 2008
Neighborhood Assemblies Encourage Communal Participation
Out of the mass protests against corrupt politicians during Argentina's economic crisis in 2001 sprang communal participation in the form of neighborhood assemblies. Finding themselves without accountable representation in the government and having no safety net upon which to rely, citizens worked together to confront hyper-inflation and food shortages. While these types of organizations have mostly disintegrated since 2003 due to outside factors such as co-optation by political parties and a slight upward trend in the economy, the formation of neighborhood assemblies is an important example of interdependence and cooperation necessary to face economic crisis and political corruption in representation. Athough these particular assemblies themselves may have been a somewhat transitory response to a crisis, the lessons of self-empowerment learned by these communities will permanently be a part of their political activism and participation. - Editor
Argentina's Rebellion in the Neighborhoods
Source: http://www.commondreams.org/headlines02/0214-04.htm
Published on Thursday, February 14, 2002 by the Inter Press Service
by Marcela Valente
BUENOS AIRES, Feb 13 - Neighborhood assemblies are springing up in cities throughout Argentina, particularly in the capital and surrounding areas, as a groundswell of people seek to change the political landscape amidst the country's social and economic collapse.
Many assembly participants are young people who are fed up with the political parties they say have betrayed their ideals. But there are also many unemployed, out-of-business shopkeepers, retirees, teachers and professionals also taking an active role in the meetings. Many had never taken part in any citizen-based mobilization before in their lives.
There are several common denominators among the assemblies held each week since late December in more than 50 neighborhoods, such as the rising anxieties of the most desperate and the increasing calm among those attempting to organize grassroots participation to make their demands heard.
The vast majority of the neighbors participating in the assemblies believe that political leaders are ignorant of the people's needs. In many cases residents do not personally know their elected city council members and local legislators, nor where they live. They are seen as mere representatives of political parties.
Now, however, independent citizens are adopting the terminology characteristic of party politics: assemblies, agendas, motion for order, moderators, committees, and liaison commissions.
But few assembly participants have grand hopes for change. They say, at least, that they want to remain alert to the government's measures, channel their need for participation and expression, and try to put some new faces in the political arena, even if the new politicians lack experience.
"Everyone is completely fed up with corrupt politicians. We are not against democracy, but the neighbors seem to be allergic to anything that smells like politics," Carmen Fernández, a teacher from Buenos Aires' Palermo neighborhood and head of her district's Education Committee, told IPS.
There is a great deal of talk at the assemblies about the "common enemy", which everyone agrees are Argentina's political leaders. The neighborhood organizations have been careful to maintain a horizontal structure, in which everyone has the right to make proposals, and leaders seem to emerge based on who best facilitates participation.
Usually someone offers a warehouse for a meeting site in case of rain, and someone else offers a printing press to print posters or a newsletter. At one assembly, young filmmakers proposed to record the sessions for a documentary. Attorneys, accountants and doctors offer their professional services.
The slogan heard most often is "all the politicians out", but the assembly-goers insist this is not a call for an end to the democratic system.
"On the contrary. To get out of this crisis requires more politics, but real politics. These meetings of common people on the street are the fundamental form of doing politics," Roli Sampieri, an accountant in charge of the Press Committee for the Almagro neighborhood assembly in the capital, told IPS.
"When a married couple decides to separate, that doesn't mean that they won't go on to marry someone else. This is the same thing: we don't want these politicians. We want a change," Sampieri said.
Only the ongoing street protests by the Argentine people can convince the career politicians to think of the common good and not about personal gain, according to the activist. In the long term, there will have to be a change in leadership that is founded on a more community-based conception of politics, he added.
Another Almagro neighbor, Mario Colombati, agrees. "We are not satisfied with merely casting a vote at election time. We want to participate and we want them to listen to us more often, because that is the main problem, they don't listen to us," he said in a conversation with IPS.
In last October's legislative elections (the vote is compulsory in Argentina), Colombati annulled his ballot in protest to express his discontent with the political parties. But, he said, "we cannot live without politicians, because that would be anarchy. We want those who robbed us to leave, and we want to closely monitor those who replace them," he said.
Most of the neighborhood assemblies were founded after the first major "caceroleo" protest, when Argentines came out in masses, banging pots and pans in protest against then president Fernando de la Rúa, who resigned Dec 20.
At first it was just a handful of neighbors who gathered together, concerned about preventing the new government from being made up of the same leaders with a different disguise.
With the series of political turnovers and the ever-deepening social and economic crisis, the meetings have achieved greater impact, and new leaders are emerging. The neighbors at the assemblies choose delegates who participate every Sunday in an inter-neighbourhood plenary session, which draws some 4,000 people.
There, representatives from middle-class districts mix with those from the wealthiest and the poorest neighborhoods Their proposals often become radicalized, and protests are expressed on behalf of an array of groups: the unemployed, merchants, former party activists, and savers who have been hurt by the government's economic measures of the last two months.
The non-governmental organization 'Poder Ciudadano' (Citizen Power) offered the assembly participants a free course in institutional monitoring. The program is called "Citizens as protagonists of change" and seeks to provide practical tools to the movement that expresses itself in 'cacerolazos', neighborhood meetings and marches.
But there are many who appear already to possess some working knowledge as a result of their activism in student organizations, political parties or labor unions.
"The assembly shall be considered constituted when at least 20 neighbors are present. All who live in the neighborhood may participate with voice and vote," reads a woman, aided by a brand- new megaphone, on a street corner where more than a hundred residents have gathered.
"The executive committee shall meet 15 minutes prior to the assembly to draft the agenda with the proposals provided by the neighbors," she says, handing the word - and the megaphone - over to the "moderator". It is clarified repeatedly that "here, no one is in charge, we are going to take turns."
One of the proposals made during the assembly was to set aside 15 minutes each week on a neighborhood radio program to provide updates about the movement. The proposal was readily accepted.
But when the moderate announced that a television news program has sent a reporter and a camera operator, the reaction is one of absolute rejection, with the neighbors shouting for the media representatives to leave.
The reporter is from a program whose host has supported the government's economic reforms in the past few years and who now is seen as inciting protest with a right-wing discourse. The neighbors make it clear they do not want anyone to use them to advance a cause they do not agree with.
In fact, in the assemblies and in mass e-mails, Argentines are calling not only for the removal of the career politicians and entrenched union leaders, but also for the rejection of the privatized entities entrusted with public services and of the news media which, they say, are not accurately portraying the population's suffering.
"I am very surprised because there are people participating who otherwise never left their homes. My 70-year-old neighbor had never taken part in anything, but now she has such an extremist stance that it is truly astonishing," said Palermo neighborhood assembly participant Fernández.
She said one of the slogans repeated in her neighborhood is "the politicians must go because they do not understand a thing." Fernández explained that this reflects the sentiment that political leaders no longer comprehend, nor can they express, the citizenry's problems because they are too far removed from that reality.
For Sampieri, the national crisis was a long time in the making and these assemblies are a response to the loss of credibility of the political system in general. "Politics continues to be the only way to express one's self, but the people reject the political parties, and therefore are gathering in the streets," he said.
Some of the initiatives coming out of the assemblies include organizing a volunteer corps to provide assistance to retirees and the unemployed and to help with the needs outlined by hospital personnel, but the priority is ultimately to take their proposals to the national level.
The neighborhood assemblies are planning a march on the legislative palace when the lawmakers gather to debate the government budget, protests outside bank headquarters to protest the transfer to pesos - the national currency - of dollar deposits, and demonstrations against the representatives of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) who visit Argentina.
"I don't know if this will lead to change, but at least it is teaching us to be more alert," said one resident as she headed home after an assembly meeting.
Copyright © 2001 IPS-Inter Press Service
