Izimbizo helps to fight corruption in government
Source: http://www.buanews.gov.za/news/08/08101314151004
Compiled by the Government Communication and Information System
Date: 13 Oct 2008
By Siboniso Ntuli
eThewkini - Government programmes such as national, provincial and local Izimbizo have assisted in the fight against corruption.
Addressing the delegates at the KwaZulu-Natal Anti-Corruption Summit at the Inkosi Albert Luthuli International Convention Centre (ICC) on Monday, Premier Sbu Ndebele said Izimibizo gave people the opportunity to raise issues of corruption through participatory democracy.
"The fact that the corruption can also be raised through participatory democracy is a sign that our democracy is mature. People can talk openly and freely and this is a major guarantee when compared to dictatorship and tyranny."
The two-day summit, themed: Towards an integrated system promoting good governance with emphasis on anti-corruption and ethics, aims to assess the prevalence and impact of fraud and corruption to service delivery in the province.
Mr Ndebele urged his peers and colleagues to talk to their counterparts who may be involved in corruption practices and find reasoning, if any, behind such behaviour.
"People who do not report corruption are equally guilty," said Premier Ndebele.
Other objectives of the summit include exploring effective preventive mechanisms aimed at combating the occurrence of fraud and corruption.
It also hopes to examine challenges for both combating and preventing corruption as well as exploring avenues for promoting professional ethics, among other things.
KwaZulu-Natal Director General, Dr Kwazi Mbanjwa said government departments should put aside a budget that can be used to fight corruption.
"We need to have an effective system, where members of the public can use to report corruption, without putting their lives at risk," said Dr Mbanjwa.
Delegates attending the summit include MECs, Heads of Departments, Chief Financial Officers, Municipal Managers, Risk Managers, Special Investigation Managers, Security Managers, Internal Control Managers, and other entities active and involved in Anti-Corruption in KwaZulu-Natal. - BuaNews
Thursday, October 23, 2008
SOUTH AFRICA: Izimbizo Helps to Fight Corruption
Thursday, September 18, 2008
SOUTH AFRICA: Editorial Demands More Participatory Democracy
The people shall govern
Source: http://www.thoughtleader.co.za/ahmedmotala/2008/08/15/the-people-shall-govern/
A few words from the famous Gettysburg speech of Abraham Lincoln in November 1863 are oft quoted as a simple, short definition of democracy: “government of the people, by the people, for the people”. Our own Freedom Charter adopted in June 1955 in Kliptown exalts that “no government can justly claim authority unless it is based on the will of all the people” and that “the people shall govern”. In the dictionary definition, democracy is “a system of government in which power is vested in the people and exercised directly by them or through their chosen representatives elected through regular free and fair elections”.
Our Constitution defines South Africa as a democratic state based on human dignity, non-racism and non-sexism, supremacy of the Constitution and rule of law and regular elections and a multi-party system of government. The Constitution also states that “This Bill of Rights is a cornerstone of democracy in South Africa. It enshrines the rights of all people in our country and affirms the democratic values of human dignity, equality and freedom.”
In South Africa therefore, democracy is more than the exercising of power by the people through freely elected representatives. It encompasses the rights enshrined in the Constitution and intrinsic values of human dignity, equality and freedom. The history of our country and the context in which our Constitution was born strongly influenced our definition of democracy.
What do these words that define democracy actually mean in practice? Should representatives of the people, once elected, make decisions based solely on their judgment? Are they required to revert regularly to the people who elected them on key questions of policy and legislation and obtain their approval? How often during their tenure are these elected representatives required to consult with those who elected them?
In South Africa direct public participation is through written submissions and public hearings arranged by Parliament on draft legislation. The Constitutional Court has stated that the commitment in our Constitution “to principles of accountability, responsiveness and openness shows that our constitutional democracy is not only representative but also contains participatory elements”. The Constitutional Court went on to extol the importance of public participation as follows:
“The participation by the public on a continuous basis provides vitality to the functioning of representative democracy. It encourages citizens of the country to be actively involved in public affairs, identify themselves with the institutions of government and become familiar with the laws as they are made. It enhances the civic dignity of those who participate by enabling their voices to be heard and taken account of. It promotes a spirit of democratic and pluralistic accommodation calculated to produce laws that are likely to be widely accepted and effective in practice. It strengthens the legitimacy of legislation in the eyes of the people. Finally, because of its open and public character it acts as a counterweight to secret lobbying and influence peddling. Participatory democracy is of special importance to those who are relatively disempowered in a country like ours where great disparities of wealth and influence exist.”
The Constitution therefore imposes a duty on Parliament to facilitate public involvement to provide citizens with a meaningful opportunity to be heard in the making of laws that will govern them.
Recent public remarks by Maggie Sotyu, the ANC chairperson of Parliament’s portfolio committee on safety and security prior to the commencement of public hearings on the proposed legislation to disband the Scorpions undermine the genuineness of public participation. She stated that the dissolution of the Scorpions would go ahead regardless of the volume of written submissions and petitions sent to Parliament opposing the move. The will of the people does not seem to matter to Ms Sotyu. What matters is the will of the ruling party and she stated as much. Later comments by Yunus Carrim, justice committee chairperson, to reassure the public of the genuineness of public participation did not reduce doubts about the process. I can see a constitutional challenge brewing.
In Switzerland, public participation on constitutional amendments is through obligatory referendums. Political parties and interest groups can also subject federal laws to a referendum upon the collection of 50 000 signatures. Constitutional amendments can also be initiated through citizen initiatives upon the collection of 100 000 signatures within a period of 18 months, provided that the amendment does not contradict any international law or treaty.
The Swiss system of referendums, while allowing for direct participation of citizens in decision-making, is extremely expensive and can slow down political decision-making. However could it be appropriate in some exceptional cases such as the disbanding of the Scorpions? Or should the South African government be required to subject all Constitutional amendments to public approval through a referendum before adoption? For meaningful public participation through referendum there has to be a good understanding of issues being decided, which often can be complex. Has the electorate in South Africa reached a level of sophistication, including literacy and education, to be able to participate through referendums?
Should contentious public issues such as abortion and the death penalty be decided through referendums? Referendums should not be permitted on issues that affect the rights of others as public opinion alone cannot determine the rights of individuals. Rights should not be left to the prevarications of public opinion, which are regularly subject to change. Furthermore, the Constitutional Court is final adjudicator on constitutional matters, not the public. It is essential that we maintain rule by law in our country, not rule by public opinion. In June 1995 in its very first decision, the Constitutional Court said the following regarding public opinion:
“The issue of the constitutionality of capital punishment cannot be referred to a referendum in which a majority view would prevail over the wishes of any minority. The very reason for establishing the new legal order and for vesting the power of judicial review of all legislation in the courts, was to protect the rights of minorities and others who cannot protect their rights adequately through the democratic process. Those who are entitled to claim this protection include the social outcasts and marginalised people of our society. It is only if there is a willingness to protect the worst and the weakest among us, that all of us can be secure that our own rights will be protected.”
Saturday, August 2, 2008
SOUTH AFRICA: SACP African Participatory Democracy Conference
AFRICAN PARTICIPATORY DEMOCRACY CONFERENCE
CONFERENCE DETAILS
1.1 OPEN INVITATION
To: All Interested Organisations in Africa
INVITATION TO THE AFRICAN PARTICIPATORY DEMOCRACY CONFERENCE, 14-16 AUGUST 2008, SOWETO, JOHANNESBURG, SOUTH AFRICA
In the context of fluid global developments and both challenges and potentialities of mass democratic participatory politics in localized processes, the South African Communist Party and the Left Party of Sweden (Vänsterpartiet) through the Left International Forum are engaged in a collaborative effort to host a Southern African conference on Participatory Democracy which will be held in Soweto, Johannesburg in South Africa.
We hope to assemble an array of regional and international civil society activists, social movements, scholars and campaigners in various fields with social, political and gender orientation as well as representatives of rural and indigenous movements with extensive expertise in grassroots mobilization and politics of democratic mass participation. We want to focus on the experience of people’s participation, expanding the democratic space, developing an alternative peoples economic, political, social and cultural agenda, as well as of alternative forms of popular governance.
This conference is a continuation of an International Conference on Participatory Democracy held in Stockholm, Sweden, in 2004 and a Latin American Conference on Participatory Democracy held in Caracas, Venezuela, in 2005. Documentation from these conferences is available at our website, www.participamos.org.
We are inviting all South African and other African interested organisations to register their participation for the congress.
By June 2008 a conference programme will be available for distribution on our website. For more information, please don't hesitate to contact Mr. Mothusi Mongale, Tel +2711 339 3621, Fax: +2711 339 4244, Fax +27866 179 105, Mobile: +2783 2600 392, thelma@sacp.org.za , Maria.Brendler@vansterpartiet.se
Dr. Blade Nzimande Eva Björklund
SACP General Secretary Left Party Board, in charge of international relations
En el contexto de desarrollos fluidos a nivel global y los desafíos y posibilidades de políticas participativas, democráticas y masivas a nivel local, el Partido Comunista de Africa (South African Communist Party) y el Partido de Izquierda de Suecia (Vänsterpartiet) a través del Foro Internacional de la Izquierda (VIF), están colaborando en la organización de una conferencia sobre Democracia Participativa, que tendrá lugar en Soweto, Johannesburgo, Sudáfrica
Deseamos reunir a un gran número de activistas de la sociedad civil regionales e internacionales, de los movimientos sociales, académicos y activistas en diversos campos con orientación social, político y de género, así como representantes de las zonas rurales y los movimientos indígenas con amplia experiencia en la movilización popular y la política democrática de participación de masas.
Esta conferencia está incluida en una serie de conferencias internacionales sobre democracia participativa organizados por el VIF que empezó en Estocolmo 2004, siguió en Caracas 2005, en Manila 2007, en Diyarbakir y Zagreb 2007. Documentación de estas conferencias están a su disposición en nuestra pagina web www.participamos.org.
En la pagina web también pueden, a partir de Julio, encontrar el programa de la conferencia en Soweto. Para más información por favor no tarde en contactar al Sr Mothusi Mongale, Tel +2711 339 3621, Fax: +2711 339 4244, Fax +27866 179 105, Mobile: +2783 2600 392, lucian@sacp.org.za, o Maria.Brendler@vansterpartiet.se
Dr. Blade Nzimande Eva Björklund
SACP Secretario General Foro Internacional de Izquierda
Para ver más detalles del programa visita la pagina siguiente: http://www.sacp.org.za/main.php?include=docs/conf/2008/democracy/details.html
South Africa: Participatory Democracy Must be Deepened
Citizens of South Africa face similar problems to many countries around the world in the respect that although constitutions may provide for public participation, the way our governments actually function is often far from being in line with founding constitutional principles and mandates. -Editor
Published:Jun 17, 2008
Source:
Photo: POPULAR STRUGGLE: The goal of a ‘deep democracy’ was conveyed symbolically by the posters of the liberation struggle — they often showed people marching under banners and flags
A lack of effective, democratic engagement is destabilising our democracy, writes Frank Meintjies
Much of the current political uncertainty in South Africa — the lack of focus, a sense of crisis on many fronts, large areas of misalignment between leaders and the population, a resurgence of street protests — can be explained by a lack of effective democratic participation.
South Africa’s struggle was a popular one, and the intention was always to construct a society in which democracy meant more than taking part in periodic elections.
The goal of a “deep democracy” was always part of liberation discourse. That intent was conveyed symbolically by the posters of the liberation struggle — they often showed masses of people marching under banners and flags. It was also captured in a Freedom Charter clause, “The people shall govern”, and expressed through the grassroots education we undertook in the struggle.
Our constitution calls for citizen and community participation as elements of a vibrant democracy. Fourteen years after the advent of the new South Africa, that vibrancy escapes us and the lack of participatory democracy is visible at all levels.
Effective participation is either absent or deficient in the practice of politics , leading to a troubling disconnection between political parties and the people.
In the ANC, this rupture was clear at its Polokwane conference where there was a horizontal split (ANC vs ANC) and a vertical split (bitter conflict between the base and bigwigs).
For other parties the estrangement is indicated in low voter support and a limited role in filling in the cracks in our society.
Participation is largely absent or completely marginal to the operations of national and provincial government. National and provincial government are relatively distant from the people, as are their policy development and review processes.
Early in the new democracy, and especially following the completion of the first round of policy development after 1994, officials took the view that the ANC had a clear mandate to govern and ought not to waste time with wide consultation on policy. W hat was needed for revved-up delivery was a strong government acting decisively.
And so, with limited participation, many government decisions are based on internal conversations, on an over-reliance on technical knowledge and on input from formal interest groups; there is little space or time for community-level engagement.
Technocrats, who by and large do not see public consultation as a core part of their duties, drive decision-making at programming level.
Government imbizos began as a good idea, but they are clearly inadequate. Many burning issues are taken to the streets instead. It is also not clear if, and how, imbizos affect policy making or review processes. Thus, at national and provincial level, the systems exclude the poor and marginalised.
At local-government level, the problem may be worse and has more drastic implications since local government is meant to be most accessible and attuned to citizens and poor communities. Despite various laws calling for effective participation in local governance, indications are that local governments have failed to ensure participation and, in many cases, lack the political will to deepen participation.
For many years, concern has been expressed about the lack of meaningful participation in the drafting of integrated development plans. Usually drawn up by consultants , the plans, in the words of Stephen Friedman, emerge from a simulation of democratic participation rather than the real thing. The thousands of service delivery protests each year testify to an alarming gap between local government and poor communities.
The lack of effective democratic participation is destabilising the new democracy. F or many in society, the sense of shared goals between government and themselves has become weak. We see the fracture of political parties, a breakdown of communication between leaders and people, as well as regular protests (including the current wave of deplorable xenophobia).
With regard to the xenophobia, indications are that the communities concerned had nowhere to raise their frustrations, discuss their perceptions of their foreign neighbours and explore urgent solutions to poverty.
In the last decade or so, meaningful citizen and civil society engagement would have provided us with more robust and sustainable solutions on foreign policy, including responses to regional instability; apart from the greater consensus on how to handle the Zimbabwean crisis, the government would benefit from “intelligence” about attitudes at grassroots level.
Civic engagement may have also circumvented Eskom’s electricity crisis; given the choice, citizen groups may well have opted for gradual increases in the past and expansion of generation capacity instead of initiatives such as Coega and the pie-in-the- sky pebble-bed reactor.
With respect to HIV-Aids; active engagement and true partnership with civil society in the last decade would have ensured a less fragmented national response and more effective rollout of prevention, treatment, care and support.
Our leaders must acknowledge that meaningful and sustained participation does not happen naturally or automatically in formal democracy (regardless of the democratic ideals and struggle credentials of the people involved), but with political will, planning and commitment. If the government’s reward system prioritised it, it could be achieved.
It is time our leaders realised that even though many citizens were initially inclined to leave it to government to deliver us from various evils, many are now reverting to active citizenship and are demanding participatory democracy. — SACSIS
Meintjies is a freelance writer and author of the blog Sideview
Sunday, May 4, 2008
South Africa: Participatory Approach to Mining
The following article proposes a system of neighborhood councils and direct democracy to improve conditions for South Africa's 493,000 strong mining labor force. - Editor
Anarcho-Syndicalist Strategy for Africa: Mining Industry Council
by Blackstone Wednesday, Apr 2 2008, 1:31pm
Source: http://www.anarkismo.net/newswire.php?story_id=8507
South Africa is particularly rich in mineral resources and is one of the leading raw material exporters in the world. Rightly so, South Africa can produce all the minerals necessary for her economic independence. Gold, diamonds, platinum, chromium, manganese, uranium, ire ore and coal make up 60 % of it's main exports. The country is also number one globally in exporting platinum, chromium, vandium and manganese. Africa is also the world's largest gold producer. It has enormous gold ore reserves representing 40% of global reserves.
However, 95% of South Africa's gold mines are underground operations. Declining grades of the mines and the increased depth of mining and a shift in the gold price, costs for these operations had begun to rise and as a result production has been steadily falling. The gold mining industry is the largest sector of mining industry. It constitutes around 60% of South Africa's mining labor for.
As of 2007, the South African mining industry employs 493,000 workers.
In 2005 the total gold production was 294,671 kg, the total iron ore production was 39.5 Mt, the total chromium production was 7.59 Mt, the total manganese production was 4.61 Mt, the total platinum production was 302, 000 kg, the total coal production was 245 Mt, the total diamond production was 15.8 million karats.
Working conditions
Mine workers are under-paid and over-worked. Declining grades of mines and increased depth of mining as lead to an increase in workplace injuries and deaths. Issues of mine safety received increased scrutiny during 2007, in large part due to multiple worker deaths. During 2006, 199 workers were killed during workplace accidents, and 191 have been killed during 2007. Around 200 workers die yearly in South African mines. One incident on October 4 2007 resulted in 3,200 workers being trapped for several hours.
Class
Ultimately, class, racism and capitalism are at the root of most of the problems in South Africa. Capitalism is a society that is divided by class and is dominated by the corporate community and upper class. The working class thus consists of all the people in society who do not own property and therefore have to sell their labor power - the ability to do work- to a boss in order to earn a living.
The interests of the working class are fundamentally opposed to the ruling elite - the corporate community and upper class. The companies must seek ways to make profits, even at the detriment of their employees, the very people who are responsible for creating their wealth.
Disregard for safety precautions aids capital by continually accumulating profit, yet it hurts the working class, specifically miners, who suffer fatal injuries in high numbers. Cuts in wages and refusal to accommodate union demands for wage increases, further harms the working class by lowering their standard of living at the expense of increased revenue for mining companies.
The working class therefore has a direct interest in improving all aspects of the mining industry, whereas capital does not. The solutions lie within the working class since it's success is in its best interest.
Is There an Alternative?
Anarchist-Syndicalist and libertarian communist theory holds that the best people to run an industry are the workers and users of that service. Worker safety is held hostage to profitability and bureaucracy. Rather than private ownership and a monopolization of decision making roles by owners and managers, public ownership of the means of production through a decentralized system of federated workers and neighborhood councils would prove far superior. These councils would act as channels to allow participants to exercise direct democracy and gives ordinary citizens the ability to control their own lives.
Strategy to Get Us ThereThere are many different tactics that can be utilized to the bring increasing power into the hands of South African miners. Fighting for an increase in wages, shorter working hours and improved working conditions ensure a more efficient and happier workforce, while at the same time, increasing class consciousness and working class militancy. Miners must self-organize to demand these rights and be prepared to take direct action to hit the corporations where it hurts the most, their bank accounts. Direct actions such as mass rallies and protests with the support of the community and strikes would be ways to achieving these ends. The key is strengthening rank and file organizations of miners and creating mass organizations in neighboring communities that will struggle alongside these worker controlled groups. This is as anarcho-syndicalist theorist Rudolph Rocker notes, as creating "not only the ideas, but also the facts of the future itself"; that these self-managed organizations embody the structure of a future society.
Sala kahle (Stay well in isiZulu)
Tuesday, April 22, 2008
South Africa: Ward Committees
The following article gives an overview of the South African efforts at increasing participatory democracy by the creation of ward committees as mandated by the constitution, including a discussion of the difficulties encountered in implementing the plan. - Editor
Crafting Active Citizen Participation Through Ward
Committees
International NGO Journal Vol. 1 (3), pp. 044-046, December 2006
Available online at http:// www.academicjournals.org/INGOJ
By Dumisani Nyalunga
E-Mail: dumisanin@ddpdurban.org.za
INTRODUCTION
The new government has provided for a legal framework that necessitates the establishment and institutionalization of ward committees as vehicles to entrench participatory governance at the grass root level. According to Roger Southall (2004)(1), ‘participatory democracy entails a high level of public participation in the political process through a wide variety of institutional channels’. Indeed, participatory democracy can only come into being when ordinary men and women, young and old are afforded an opportunity to actively and meaningfully contribute to their own development and well being.
The purpose of this paper is two fold: firstly, it seeks to highlight the importance of ward committees as engines to impel public participation. Secondly, to draw reader’s attention to some of the key impediments faced by the institution of ward committees in term of achieving the foregoing. It is thus imperative that we do not despise other alternative forms of participation. The argument is that ward committees can only become effective and efficient vehicles for engaging communities in municipal decision-making when complement by other pragmatic
mechanisms of participation.
The Constitution of South Africa
The Constitution creates space for public participation in local governance through specific mechanisms such as Ward Committees and Integrated Development Planning and demand that local government promotes public participation (2) (2004). Chapter 6 of the South African Constitution (Act 108 of 1996) denotes that Ward Committees and their members can participate in local government in the following ways:
Section 152 of the South African Constitution requires of a local authority to encourage the involvement of communities and community organizations in matters of local government’(3) The Municipal Structures Act of 1998 is also unequivocal and requires Local Governments to establish ward committees. In terms of the Act the object of ward committees is to enhance participatory democracy at the local level.
The role of Ward Committees
The demise of the notorious apartheid government saw the dawn of a new system of local government that provided for ward committees to be established by all municipalities across the country. The new government recognized the need for a structure that is closest to the people at the grass root level and representative of the people and aspiration of the community. The role of ward committees is to make sure that the electorate directly participate and partake in decisions made by council. They should be part and parcel of the processes and structures that affects their lives as ordinary citizens. The ward committees should be set up in a way that it can reach most sectors and areas in the ward.
The ward committees’ main tasks are to communicate and consult with the community in respect of development and service plans. It has, however, no formal powers to force the council to do anything. Ward committees should keep their electorates informed of decisions, progress reports’ (4). There are various ways of keeping citizens informed including radio, newspapers and regular public meetings.
The duties and responsibilities of ward committees
This information has been extracted from the DDP training manual on ward committees. The resource manual has been compiled by the Democracy Development Program, Institute for Multi-Party Democracy, Centre for Public Participation and Community Law and Rural Development Centre.
Ward committees serves as massagers between the community and the council. Similarly ward committee provide communities with an space to lodge or express their views and complaints
Ward committees also have the responsibility to identify and utilize the skills and resources that exist within communities or group. It is important for them to have a good understanding of what is available in their communities (in terms of finance, expertise, skills, new materials, community facilities, volunteers/ labour and resources)
Ward committees need to play a role of providing support for the people/groups involved in community structures and activities. This involves affirming people, recognizing and acknowledging the value of their contributions, giving encouragement, being available for people when they need to talk or ask questions.
A ward committee should also be a strategic mobilizing agent for both the municipality and the community in the planning and implementation of programmes. They can also play an important role in mobilizing partnerships for the development of local projects.
Ward committees have the role of interacting with external role players on behalf of or for the benefit of their local communities or constituency.
Networking the ward committee should establish relationships with a variety of people or organizations and be in a position to usethem to effect and facilitate change in their local communities.
The ward committee could also influence decision through lobbying and persuasion
Disseminate relevant information pertaining to municipal processes, decisions taken and projects
How effective are Ward Committees?
Ward committees however, are largely perceived as ineffective in advancing citizen participation at the local government level. Their inefficiency is caused by among other things, lack of capacity and incentives to persuade them to work whole heartedly towards the betterment of their constituencies. Janine Hicks(5) argues that whilst ward committees are a key component of community based involvement, many municipalities still do not have formal or functional ward committees in place. She further reiterates that in municipalities where ward committees are operational, these are marked by uncertainty and in some instances, chaos. This largely stems from the fact that there appears to be no clear cut understanding of the role that ward committees are supposed to perform. Community members have certain expectations of what they expect of their ward committee representatives, yet councillors have different expectations. Furthermore, as Janine argues there is no clarity on the roles of ward councillors as opposed to proportional representation (PR) councillors, there are tensions between ward committees members and ward councillors, and limited resources available to enable ward committees to function better and improve efficiency. This is perhaps the most widespread challenge facing ward committees in their quest to involve communities in matters of local government. The lack of understanding of roles leads to a greater ill perceptions and misconceptions about the performance of ward committees and other local government stakeholders in general. This gap should thus be an entry point for some form of awareness and capacity building intervention.
Conclusion
Alternative forms of participation
It should be acknowledged therefore that ward committees on their own do not appear to be the only absolute answer or remedy to promote and facilitate community involvement in decision making at the local government level. Besides, the functions of ward committees have been restricted mainly to make recommendations to the ward councillor or through the councillor of the metro.
It is imperative that we encourage and do not preclude other forms of public participation, such as “Imbizos”, sector forums created by Civil Society Organisations and Community Development Workers (CDW) - structures created to assist and facilitate community development. IDP forums are critically important. Different forms of participation must be acknowledged and valued. The processes of community participation must be all inclusive and should accommodate a wide range of role players. Similarly, strategies to improve active citizen participation should take cognizance of the broader transformation programme of government, such as poverty alleviation, including issues of underdevelopment, economic growth and job creation.
Footnotes:
1 Roger Southall is the Executive Director, Democracy and Governance, Human Science Research Council. In Critical- Public Participation in Review. Volume 1 no. 1 2004
2 N. Bezuidenhout and B. Mautjane- Civil society Participation in Local Governance. Article available on IDASA website
3 Constitution of the Republic of South Africa (1996)
4 Quote taken from Paralegal Advice. Article entitled ‘Democracy and Public Participation’. http://www.paralegaladvice.org.za/ Nyalunga 045
5 Janine Hicks (2006)‘Assessing the effectiveness of community participation based involvement, in Critical Dialogue, Public Participation Review. Volume 2 No. 1 2006 Int. NGO. J. 046
Thursday, March 27, 2008
Participatory Budgeting in Ethekwini, South Africa
The following article discusses one of several participatory budgeting initiatives underway in several countries of southern Africa. -Editor
PARTICIPATORY BUDGETING IN ETHEKWINI MUNICIPALITY, SOUTH AFRICA
This article was prepared by Mr. Owen Naidoo, Financial Officer, Ethikweni Municipality, South Africa
Source: http://www.asaaf.org.zw/newsletter3/page17.htm
Background:
Ethikweni Municipality is located in Durban, South Africa. Participatory Budgeting in Ethikweni Municipality is guided by the Mayor and is facilitated by three departments namely: Treasury; Corporate Policy and Community Participation; and Action Support. The Treasury department is responsible for the compilation, co-ordination and driving of the budget process whilst the Corporate Policy and Community Participation and Action Support departments co-ordinate the participation process with the community and various stakeholders through Regional Public Hearings and Ward Meetings and Integrated Development Plan (IDP) workshops.
The driving force behind the participatory budgeting initiative: Citizens participation in the budgetary process is encouraged by the South African Government and is strongly supported by the legislation which acknowledges that community input is essential in compiling the budget. Thus the budget is believed to be the ‘people’s budget’. South Africa has a democratically elected government and there is freedom of speech as embodied the national Constitution. The Participatory Budgeting process has also been made possible by the political history of South Africa. The imbalance in service delivery needs to be redressed to ensure that the previously disadvantaged communities get an equitable distribution of resources and service delivery.
The participatory budgeting process in Ethikweni Municipality is targeted at all users of information including, the Community, Commerce and Industry. The demographic focus is women, youth, disabled, indigent and previously disadvantaged individuals.
Participatory Budgeting Tools and Methodologies:
- Public and Regional Budget hearings: These are held centrally after the draft budget has been tabled to council. Cluster presentations are done by each cluster head during the hearings;
- Integrated Development Plan Workshops and Ward Meetings: These are held on an ongoing basis and are meant to obtain the views of the citizens.
- The Print and Electronic Media: The budgets are publicized through newspapers, the radio and the council’s website. The draft budget is placed on the council website 90 days prior to the approval of the budgets for comment.
- The Budget is monitored through in-year, monthly, quarterly and annual reporting as required by the legislation. Monitoring is done against service delivery and the Budget Implementation Plan which quantifies measurable targets.
- Inclusiveness: Budgets are presented and questions area asked by the community and responses by Councillors and Officials are recorded. Budgets are amended to include necessary adjustments as required. Concerns pertaining to Provincial / National issues are recorded and communicated to the relevant authorities. The decentralized presentations ensure a participative budgeting process. Presentations are reasonably attended. Community Mobilisers are deployed in various wards to facilitate participation and assist citizens especially in the previously disadvantaged areas. Translators are used to ensure that communication is multi-lingual (diverse society).
Results and Impact of the PB Process:
- Communities are aware of the budgets and resource availability and relate these to service delivery.
- Community feedback enables informed decisions to be made in the budget.
- Helps eliminate the feeling of suspicion, marginalization and exclusion from the budgeting process.
- Creates reliable, transparent and accountable budgeting
Constraints:
Like any other municipality with limited resources and unlimited community needs and wants, Ethikweni is faced by financial constraints in implementing the Participatory Budgeting process.. To counter this problem, a prioritization process takes place to ensure that basic needs are addressed in all communities. Another shortcoming relates to political agendas of parties which create bottlenecks during the budget approval process.
By. Mr. Owen Naidoo, Financial Officer, Ethikweni Municipal Council
http://www.durban.gov.za
naidooo@durban.gov.za
